https://cricketwindies.com/ Mon, 07 Sep 2026 00:20:43 +0000 MyBB https://cricketwindies.com/thread-52080.html Sat, 22 Aug 2026 16:17:01 +0000 chairman]]> https://cricketwindies.com/thread-52080.html
The Panama Canal Authority (ACP) told shipping firms on Thursday that 32 vessels a day will be able to pass through it from 15 September, compared to 36 currently.

El Niño, a pattern of periodical sea surface warming, affects weather systems globally. This year is expected to be particularly strong, with its effects made more intense by climate change.

The shipping industry is already dealing with severe disruptions due to the Iran War causing a large reduction in the number of vessels passing through the crucial Strait of Hormuz.

The ACP said the measures were being put in place to preserve service reliability and safeguard water resources for human consumption.]]>
The Panama Canal Authority (ACP) told shipping firms on Thursday that 32 vessels a day will be able to pass through it from 15 September, compared to 36 currently.

El Niño, a pattern of periodical sea surface warming, affects weather systems globally. This year is expected to be particularly strong, with its effects made more intense by climate change.

The shipping industry is already dealing with severe disruptions due to the Iran War causing a large reduction in the number of vessels passing through the crucial Strait of Hormuz.

The ACP said the measures were being put in place to preserve service reliability and safeguard water resources for human consumption.]]> https://cricketwindies.com/thread-52078.html Thu, 20 Aug 2026 21:22:01 +0000 chairman]]> https://cricketwindies.com/thread-52078.html
The couple and their two kids, Prince Archie, 7, and Princess Lilibet, 5, are reportedly returning six years after stepping away from their senior royal roles and moving to California in 2020, according to People and The Telegraph.]]>
The couple and their two kids, Prince Archie, 7, and Princess Lilibet, 5, are reportedly returning six years after stepping away from their senior royal roles and moving to California in 2020, according to People and The Telegraph.]]> https://cricketwindies.com/thread-52075.html Sun, 09 Aug 2026 23:57:41 +0000 chairman]]> https://cricketwindies.com/thread-52075.html Hulsie Bhaggan is a former politician, activist, and community leader from Trinidad and Tobago. She was one of the founding members of the UNC and served as the MP for Chaguanas from 1991 to 1995.
She became known for standing up for ordinary people. She protested for families who lost their homes because of the highway, went on a week-long hunger strike over the rising cost of food, and was even jailed for her protests.
In 1993, she came under heavy criticism after she spoke about a crime wave in her constituency and said many of the suspects were from a particular ethnic group. Some people felt her comments were racially divisive, while she said she was simply speaking up for frightened residents and asking the authorities to act.
After falling out with the UNC leadership, she started her own political party for the 1995 election, but it did not win any seats. She later joined the COP in 2010 before stepping away from frontline politics.
Today, Hulsie Bhaggan lives a quieter life in Trinidad and Tobago, focusing on community work, helping others, and animal welfare.
— Jason King
[strike][/strike]]]> Hulsie Bhaggan is a former politician, activist, and community leader from Trinidad and Tobago. She was one of the founding members of the UNC and served as the MP for Chaguanas from 1991 to 1995.
She became known for standing up for ordinary people. She protested for families who lost their homes because of the highway, went on a week-long hunger strike over the rising cost of food, and was even jailed for her protests.
In 1993, she came under heavy criticism after she spoke about a crime wave in her constituency and said many of the suspects were from a particular ethnic group. Some people felt her comments were racially divisive, while she said she was simply speaking up for frightened residents and asking the authorities to act.
After falling out with the UNC leadership, she started her own political party for the 1995 election, but it did not win any seats. She later joined the COP in 2010 before stepping away from frontline politics.
Today, Hulsie Bhaggan lives a quieter life in Trinidad and Tobago, focusing on community work, helping others, and animal welfare.
— Jason King
[strike][/strike]]]> https://cricketwindies.com/thread-52074.html Wed, 05 Aug 2026 22:19:51 +0000 chairman]]> https://cricketwindies.com/thread-52074.html
The drugstore chain, acquired by private equity firm Sycamore Partners in August 2025 has closed about dozen locations recently, according to business news site Inc. and local media reports. Before the acquisition, Walgreens said it planned to close about 1,200 underperforming stores across the U.S. as part of a turnaround strategy.]]>
The drugstore chain, acquired by private equity firm Sycamore Partners in August 2025 has closed about dozen locations recently, according to business news site Inc. and local media reports. Before the acquisition, Walgreens said it planned to close about 1,200 underperforming stores across the U.S. as part of a turnaround strategy.]]> https://cricketwindies.com/thread-52073.html Tue, 04 Aug 2026 23:20:29 +0000 chairman]]> https://cricketwindies.com/thread-52073.html https://cricketwindies.com/thread-52069.html Fri, 10 Jul 2026 21:14:34 +0000 chairman]]> https://cricketwindies.com/thread-52069.html
The South Florida facility was called Palm Beach International Airport for over half a century until Thursday, when a months-old state law took effect, adding the airport to the growing list of places and things that now bear President Trump's name.

Eric Trump, the executive vice president of the Trump Organization, said the president's plane was the first to land at the newly renamed airport at 5:01 a.m. on Thursday.

"There is no person who has done more for Florida and our country, and no one more deserving of this incredible honor," he wrote on X. "As a son, and someone who flies out of this airport nearly every day, I will forever be proud to see the initials 'DJT' on my boarding pass."]]>
The South Florida facility was called Palm Beach International Airport for over half a century until Thursday, when a months-old state law took effect, adding the airport to the growing list of places and things that now bear President Trump's name.

Eric Trump, the executive vice president of the Trump Organization, said the president's plane was the first to land at the newly renamed airport at 5:01 a.m. on Thursday.

"There is no person who has done more for Florida and our country, and no one more deserving of this incredible honor," he wrote on X. "As a son, and someone who flies out of this airport nearly every day, I will forever be proud to see the initials 'DJT' on my boarding pass."]]> https://cricketwindies.com/thread-52065.html Thu, 02 Jul 2026 10:16:25 +0000 chairman]]> https://cricketwindies.com/thread-52065.html
For over 50 years, one Egyptian doctor treated the poorest of the poor for the price of a falafel sandwich — and turned down a fortune to keep it that way.

His name was Dr. Mohamed Mashally. In Tanta, everyone just called him "the Doctor of the Poor."

He was born in 1944 in a small Beheira village, the son of a teacher. Not wealthy. Not connected. Just determined.

By 1967 he'd graduated from Cairo University's medical school, trained in internal medicine, pediatrics, and the fevers that hit poor villages hardest.

Then came the moment that redirected his entire life.

Early in his career, a young boy with severe diabetes came to him. The child needed insulin. His mother had only enough money for the family's dinner — not both.

The boy, believing he was a burden his family couldn't carry, harmed himself in despair. He lost his life in Mashally's arms.

Mashally never forgot it. He made a vow that day.

"I pledged to God I would not take a penny from a poor person."

So in 1975, he opened a clinic in Tanta. His fee? Five Egyptian pounds. Roughly 30 cents.

When costs rose decades later, he raised it — to ten pounds. Sixty cents. That was as high as he'd ever go.

And if you couldn't pay? He waved you in anyway. Often he bought your medicine himself.

He didn't stop at one clinic. He ran three, moving between them, examining patients from morning until the evening prayer, then eating quickly and heading out to see more.

Even in his seventies, he worked 12-hour days and saw 30 to 50 patients before he rested. Who does that at 76?

The world tried to reward him. A wealthy donor offered him a grand new clinic on Tanta's most famous street.

He said no.

The only gift he ever accepted was a stethoscope worth about 80 pounds, from a young admirer in the UAE. That was enough for him.

"I don't want a ten-meter car or a suit worth a million," he once said. "A falafel sandwich is enough."

He explained his refusal simply: medicine, to him, was a humanitarian calling — never a business.

His father had asked one thing of him before passing: care for the poor. Mashally kept that promise for half a century.

He treated an estimated millions of Egyptians who could never have afforded care anywhere else.

On July 28, 2020, at age 76, his heart gave out. He passed away at home in Tanta, still working at his clinic until his final days.

Thousands filled the streets for his funeral procession in his home village.

The Grand Imam of Al-Azhar mourned him. So did the ruler of Dubai, who called him "a maker of a different kind of hope."

He built no fortune. He left something harder to earn.

Would you have said no to the mansion?

#DoctorOfThePoor #Kindness]]>
For over 50 years, one Egyptian doctor treated the poorest of the poor for the price of a falafel sandwich — and turned down a fortune to keep it that way.

His name was Dr. Mohamed Mashally. In Tanta, everyone just called him "the Doctor of the Poor."

He was born in 1944 in a small Beheira village, the son of a teacher. Not wealthy. Not connected. Just determined.

By 1967 he'd graduated from Cairo University's medical school, trained in internal medicine, pediatrics, and the fevers that hit poor villages hardest.

Then came the moment that redirected his entire life.

Early in his career, a young boy with severe diabetes came to him. The child needed insulin. His mother had only enough money for the family's dinner — not both.

The boy, believing he was a burden his family couldn't carry, harmed himself in despair. He lost his life in Mashally's arms.

Mashally never forgot it. He made a vow that day.

"I pledged to God I would not take a penny from a poor person."

So in 1975, he opened a clinic in Tanta. His fee? Five Egyptian pounds. Roughly 30 cents.

When costs rose decades later, he raised it — to ten pounds. Sixty cents. That was as high as he'd ever go.

And if you couldn't pay? He waved you in anyway. Often he bought your medicine himself.

He didn't stop at one clinic. He ran three, moving between them, examining patients from morning until the evening prayer, then eating quickly and heading out to see more.

Even in his seventies, he worked 12-hour days and saw 30 to 50 patients before he rested. Who does that at 76?

The world tried to reward him. A wealthy donor offered him a grand new clinic on Tanta's most famous street.

He said no.

The only gift he ever accepted was a stethoscope worth about 80 pounds, from a young admirer in the UAE. That was enough for him.

"I don't want a ten-meter car or a suit worth a million," he once said. "A falafel sandwich is enough."

He explained his refusal simply: medicine, to him, was a humanitarian calling — never a business.

His father had asked one thing of him before passing: care for the poor. Mashally kept that promise for half a century.

He treated an estimated millions of Egyptians who could never have afforded care anywhere else.

On July 28, 2020, at age 76, his heart gave out. He passed away at home in Tanta, still working at his clinic until his final days.

Thousands filled the streets for his funeral procession in his home village.

The Grand Imam of Al-Azhar mourned him. So did the ruler of Dubai, who called him "a maker of a different kind of hope."

He built no fortune. He left something harder to earn.

Would you have said no to the mansion?

#DoctorOfThePoor #Kindness]]> https://cricketwindies.com/thread-52063.html Wed, 01 Jul 2026 21:36:53 +0000 chairman]]> https://cricketwindies.com/thread-52063.html
On the night of June 13, 1980, that small device became one of the most painful symbols in modern Black political history.

Walter Rodney was in Georgetown, Guyana, when the object believed to be a walkie-talkie exploded near him, killing him at only 38 years old. His younger brother, Donald Rodney, survived the blast, but survival did not spare him from the wound of that night.

What makes the story so heavy is not only the explosion.

It is the betrayal folded inside it, the way an instrument of communication was turned into a trap for a man whose life had been devoted to helping Black people, working people, and colonized people understand one another more clearly.

Rodney was not killed because he was quiet.

He was killed after becoming the kind of scholar powerful systems fear most, a Black intellectual who refused to let knowledge stay locked inside universities while ordinary people were being told to accept hunger, division, and silence.

He did not treat history like a museum piece.

For Walter Rodney, history was a tool, a lantern, a weapon of truth, and a way for people to recognize that the suffering around them had roots.

That is why his name still carries weight.

He helped people see that poverty was not always personal failure, that underdevelopment was not an accident, and that Black struggle across Africa, the Caribbean, and the Americas was connected by the long reach of slavery, colonialism, labor theft, and political control.

Rodney was born in Georgetown on March 23, 1942, when his homeland was still British Guiana.

He came from a working-class family, the son of Edward and Pauline Rodney, and he grew up in a Caribbean world where the old plantation order had changed its clothing but not completely surrendered its power.

His brilliance showed early.

He attended Queen’s College, won a scholarship to the University of the West Indies at Mona, graduated with first-class honors in history, and earned a doctorate in African History from SOAS in London when he was only 24.

Those achievements could have carried him into a comfortable life.

He could have chosen the safe road, the polished office, the academic title, the distance from the people whose lives had first made his questions urgent.

But Rodney did not believe a scholar should rise above the people and call that success.

He believed learning had to return home, had to sit with the poor, had to listen to the ignored, had to explain the world in language people could use.

In Jamaica, where he taught at the University of the West Indies, Rodney became known for what he called grounding with the people.

He spent time with Rastafarian communities, working-class youth, and those pushed to the margins by respectability politics, because he understood that the people most dismissed often carried the clearest memory of what the system had done.

That frightened officials.

In 1968, after Rodney traveled to a Black writers’ conference in Montreal, the Jamaican government barred him from returning, and the ban helped ignite protests remembered as the Rodney Riots.

A government did not fear him because he commanded an army.

It feared him because he could walk into a room, a yard, a campus, or a street corner and make people feel the structure around their lives becoming visible.

From Jamaica to Tanzania, Rodney kept sharpening his work.

At the University of Dar es Salaam, in a country alive with Pan-African energy and liberation politics, he wrote the book that would follow him across generations: How Europe Underdeveloped Africa.

Published in 1972, that book did not ask readers to pity Africa.

It demanded that they study the forces that robbed Africa, drained Africa, divided Africa, and then blamed Africa for the damage.

Rodney argued that Europe’s rise and Africa’s underdevelopment were historically connected.

He traced how the slave trade, colonial rule, forced labor, resource extraction, and capitalist domination helped build wealth in Europe while weakening African societies.

That message mattered deeply because it answered one of the cruelest lies ever told about Black people.

It rejected the idea that Africa suffered because African people lacked intelligence, discipline, culture, or capacity.

Rodney showed that history had been organized by power.

And once power could be named, it could be challenged.

That is why his work still feels alive.

It gave Black people across the diaspora a way to understand that our condition was not born from nothing, and that the struggles in Guyana, Ghana, Jamaica, South Africa, Haiti, and the United States were not isolated tragedies.

They were chapters in the same long fight over land, labor, memory, dignity, and self-determination.

When Rodney returned to Guyana in the 1970s, he returned to a nation that had won independence but was still carrying wounds the British Empire had helped deepen.

Guyana’s politics had been shaped by racial division, especially between Afro-Guyanese and Indo-Guyanese communities, and that division had often served those who benefited from a people split against themselves.

Rodney refused to build his politics on that split.

He joined the Working People’s Alliance, a multiracial, anti-racist, anti-imperialist movement that tried to organize ordinary people across the lines colonialism and party politics had hardened.

That choice made him more than a critic.

It made him a danger to the political order of the time.

Forbes Burnham’s government had built a powerful state system, and opposition voices faced surveillance, harassment, and intimidation.

Rodney and the WPA challenged not only the government’s policies, but the deeper idea that people should remain divided, afraid, and dependent on leaders who spoke in their name while controlling their future.

This is where the walkie-talkie becomes more than a device.

In a tense political climate, communication mattered because organizing depended on connection, timing, safety, and trust.

To seek a communication device was not strange for people doing political work under pressure.

It was part of the practical struggle to keep a movement alive.

According to the later Commission of Inquiry, Gregory Smith, a sergeant in the Guyana Defence Force, played a central role in Rodney’s death.

The Commission found that Smith knowingly brought about Rodney’s death and that he acted as an agent of the state, aided and abetted by people in leadership positions within state agencies.

The forensic evidence reviewed by the inquiry described fragments consistent with a walkie-talkie radio set.

The report also cited expert opinion that the explosive device could have been detonated by an external radio signal, which undercut the old effort to make the tragedy look like Rodney’s own mistake.

That distinction matters.

For years, false suspicion did what false suspicion often does after political violence, it tried to place the shadow on the victim and those closest to him.

Donald Rodney, the brother who survived, was not simply allowed to grieve.

He carried injuries, trauma, and the burden of legal accusations that followed him for decades.

The government later acknowledged that Donald was also a victim of the tragedy.

In 2021, his conviction was set aside, another piece of a long and painful correction of the public record.

Think about what that means.

A family lost a husband, father, brother, and son, then had to spend decades fighting against the fog that settled over his death.

Patricia Rodney and her children did not only inherit grief.

They inherited a struggle for truth in a world where official language can sometimes wound almost as deeply as the first violence.

For many years, Walter Rodney’s death had been burdened by the language of “misadventure.”

That word carried an insult inside it, as if a man who had been targeted by forces larger than himself had somehow stumbled into his own ending.

In 2021, the Government of Guyana announced steps to correct the record, including replacing “death by misadventure” with “death by assassination.”

The same correction also addressed another bitter detail: Rodney’s death certificate had listed his profession as “unemployed,” and that was to be changed to “Professor.”

That detail should stop us for a moment.

A man who had earned a doctorate at 24, taught across the Caribbean and Africa, wrote one of the most influential books on African history and development, and gave his life to the education of the people had been reduced on paper to “unemployed.”

That is how power sometimes tries to shrink a person after it has failed to defeat their meaning.

It changes the label, clouds the cause, delays the inquiry, and hopes memory will grow tired.

But memory did not grow tired.

The Rodney family kept pushing, supporters kept teaching, scholars kept writing, and the people who knew what Walter Rodney had meant refused to let the official record become the final word.

In 2014, thirty-four years after his death, a Commission of Inquiry was appointed.

Its 2016 report concluded that the Guyanese government, army, and police branches were complicit in Rodney’s assassination.

In 2021, Guyana’s National Assembly adopted the Commission’s findings.

That did not restore the years stolen from his family.

It did not return him to the classroom, to the movement, to his children, or to the generations who might have learned from him in person.

But truth matters because lies do not merely hide the past.

They shape what a people are allowed to believe about themselves.

Walter Rodney’s life reminds us that Black history is not only about suffering.

It is also about study, courage, discipline, imagination, and the decision to stand with ordinary people even when standing there costs something.

He belonged to the tradition of people who understood that the mind can be a freedom ground.

He knew that when Black people learn the real history of Africa, slavery, colonialism, labor, empire, and resistance, they become harder to confuse and harder to control.

His assassination shows the danger that can surround truth.

His legacy shows the limits of that danger.

Because the device meant to silence him did not silence the book.

It did not silence the lectures.

It did not silence the questions he left behind.

It did not silence the communities that still speak his name with honor.

Walter Rodney’s story still asks us what we are willing to teach.

It asks whether we will let our children inherit only the softened chapters, or whether we will give them the fuller record, the painful parts and the proud parts together.

Black history does not stop at the names repeated every February.

It lives in the overlooked scholars, the unfinished inquiries, the families who refused to let truth be buried, and the ancestors who understood that liberation required more than survival.

A walkie-talkie was handed to Walter Rodney to erase him.

But forty-six years later, his name is still connecting people to history, to courage, and to the responsibility of teaching what power once tried to hide.

I spend hours making sure these stories are researched and shared responsibly. If you’d like to support the work, you can do so here:
https://buymeacoffee.com/africanamericanhistory
Every coffee truly helps.

#blackhistory #AfricanAmericanHistory #BlackExellence]]>
On the night of June 13, 1980, that small device became one of the most painful symbols in modern Black political history.

Walter Rodney was in Georgetown, Guyana, when the object believed to be a walkie-talkie exploded near him, killing him at only 38 years old. His younger brother, Donald Rodney, survived the blast, but survival did not spare him from the wound of that night.

What makes the story so heavy is not only the explosion.

It is the betrayal folded inside it, the way an instrument of communication was turned into a trap for a man whose life had been devoted to helping Black people, working people, and colonized people understand one another more clearly.

Rodney was not killed because he was quiet.

He was killed after becoming the kind of scholar powerful systems fear most, a Black intellectual who refused to let knowledge stay locked inside universities while ordinary people were being told to accept hunger, division, and silence.

He did not treat history like a museum piece.

For Walter Rodney, history was a tool, a lantern, a weapon of truth, and a way for people to recognize that the suffering around them had roots.

That is why his name still carries weight.

He helped people see that poverty was not always personal failure, that underdevelopment was not an accident, and that Black struggle across Africa, the Caribbean, and the Americas was connected by the long reach of slavery, colonialism, labor theft, and political control.

Rodney was born in Georgetown on March 23, 1942, when his homeland was still British Guiana.

He came from a working-class family, the son of Edward and Pauline Rodney, and he grew up in a Caribbean world where the old plantation order had changed its clothing but not completely surrendered its power.

His brilliance showed early.

He attended Queen’s College, won a scholarship to the University of the West Indies at Mona, graduated with first-class honors in history, and earned a doctorate in African History from SOAS in London when he was only 24.

Those achievements could have carried him into a comfortable life.

He could have chosen the safe road, the polished office, the academic title, the distance from the people whose lives had first made his questions urgent.

But Rodney did not believe a scholar should rise above the people and call that success.

He believed learning had to return home, had to sit with the poor, had to listen to the ignored, had to explain the world in language people could use.

In Jamaica, where he taught at the University of the West Indies, Rodney became known for what he called grounding with the people.

He spent time with Rastafarian communities, working-class youth, and those pushed to the margins by respectability politics, because he understood that the people most dismissed often carried the clearest memory of what the system had done.

That frightened officials.

In 1968, after Rodney traveled to a Black writers’ conference in Montreal, the Jamaican government barred him from returning, and the ban helped ignite protests remembered as the Rodney Riots.

A government did not fear him because he commanded an army.

It feared him because he could walk into a room, a yard, a campus, or a street corner and make people feel the structure around their lives becoming visible.

From Jamaica to Tanzania, Rodney kept sharpening his work.

At the University of Dar es Salaam, in a country alive with Pan-African energy and liberation politics, he wrote the book that would follow him across generations: How Europe Underdeveloped Africa.

Published in 1972, that book did not ask readers to pity Africa.

It demanded that they study the forces that robbed Africa, drained Africa, divided Africa, and then blamed Africa for the damage.

Rodney argued that Europe’s rise and Africa’s underdevelopment were historically connected.

He traced how the slave trade, colonial rule, forced labor, resource extraction, and capitalist domination helped build wealth in Europe while weakening African societies.

That message mattered deeply because it answered one of the cruelest lies ever told about Black people.

It rejected the idea that Africa suffered because African people lacked intelligence, discipline, culture, or capacity.

Rodney showed that history had been organized by power.

And once power could be named, it could be challenged.

That is why his work still feels alive.

It gave Black people across the diaspora a way to understand that our condition was not born from nothing, and that the struggles in Guyana, Ghana, Jamaica, South Africa, Haiti, and the United States were not isolated tragedies.

They were chapters in the same long fight over land, labor, memory, dignity, and self-determination.

When Rodney returned to Guyana in the 1970s, he returned to a nation that had won independence but was still carrying wounds the British Empire had helped deepen.

Guyana’s politics had been shaped by racial division, especially between Afro-Guyanese and Indo-Guyanese communities, and that division had often served those who benefited from a people split against themselves.

Rodney refused to build his politics on that split.

He joined the Working People’s Alliance, a multiracial, anti-racist, anti-imperialist movement that tried to organize ordinary people across the lines colonialism and party politics had hardened.

That choice made him more than a critic.

It made him a danger to the political order of the time.

Forbes Burnham’s government had built a powerful state system, and opposition voices faced surveillance, harassment, and intimidation.

Rodney and the WPA challenged not only the government’s policies, but the deeper idea that people should remain divided, afraid, and dependent on leaders who spoke in their name while controlling their future.

This is where the walkie-talkie becomes more than a device.

In a tense political climate, communication mattered because organizing depended on connection, timing, safety, and trust.

To seek a communication device was not strange for people doing political work under pressure.

It was part of the practical struggle to keep a movement alive.

According to the later Commission of Inquiry, Gregory Smith, a sergeant in the Guyana Defence Force, played a central role in Rodney’s death.

The Commission found that Smith knowingly brought about Rodney’s death and that he acted as an agent of the state, aided and abetted by people in leadership positions within state agencies.

The forensic evidence reviewed by the inquiry described fragments consistent with a walkie-talkie radio set.

The report also cited expert opinion that the explosive device could have been detonated by an external radio signal, which undercut the old effort to make the tragedy look like Rodney’s own mistake.

That distinction matters.

For years, false suspicion did what false suspicion often does after political violence, it tried to place the shadow on the victim and those closest to him.

Donald Rodney, the brother who survived, was not simply allowed to grieve.

He carried injuries, trauma, and the burden of legal accusations that followed him for decades.

The government later acknowledged that Donald was also a victim of the tragedy.

In 2021, his conviction was set aside, another piece of a long and painful correction of the public record.

Think about what that means.

A family lost a husband, father, brother, and son, then had to spend decades fighting against the fog that settled over his death.

Patricia Rodney and her children did not only inherit grief.

They inherited a struggle for truth in a world where official language can sometimes wound almost as deeply as the first violence.

For many years, Walter Rodney’s death had been burdened by the language of “misadventure.”

That word carried an insult inside it, as if a man who had been targeted by forces larger than himself had somehow stumbled into his own ending.

In 2021, the Government of Guyana announced steps to correct the record, including replacing “death by misadventure” with “death by assassination.”

The same correction also addressed another bitter detail: Rodney’s death certificate had listed his profession as “unemployed,” and that was to be changed to “Professor.”

That detail should stop us for a moment.

A man who had earned a doctorate at 24, taught across the Caribbean and Africa, wrote one of the most influential books on African history and development, and gave his life to the education of the people had been reduced on paper to “unemployed.”

That is how power sometimes tries to shrink a person after it has failed to defeat their meaning.

It changes the label, clouds the cause, delays the inquiry, and hopes memory will grow tired.

But memory did not grow tired.

The Rodney family kept pushing, supporters kept teaching, scholars kept writing, and the people who knew what Walter Rodney had meant refused to let the official record become the final word.

In 2014, thirty-four years after his death, a Commission of Inquiry was appointed.

Its 2016 report concluded that the Guyanese government, army, and police branches were complicit in Rodney’s assassination.

In 2021, Guyana’s National Assembly adopted the Commission’s findings.

That did not restore the years stolen from his family.

It did not return him to the classroom, to the movement, to his children, or to the generations who might have learned from him in person.

But truth matters because lies do not merely hide the past.

They shape what a people are allowed to believe about themselves.

Walter Rodney’s life reminds us that Black history is not only about suffering.

It is also about study, courage, discipline, imagination, and the decision to stand with ordinary people even when standing there costs something.

He belonged to the tradition of people who understood that the mind can be a freedom ground.

He knew that when Black people learn the real history of Africa, slavery, colonialism, labor, empire, and resistance, they become harder to confuse and harder to control.

His assassination shows the danger that can surround truth.

His legacy shows the limits of that danger.

Because the device meant to silence him did not silence the book.

It did not silence the lectures.

It did not silence the questions he left behind.

It did not silence the communities that still speak his name with honor.

Walter Rodney’s story still asks us what we are willing to teach.

It asks whether we will let our children inherit only the softened chapters, or whether we will give them the fuller record, the painful parts and the proud parts together.

Black history does not stop at the names repeated every February.

It lives in the overlooked scholars, the unfinished inquiries, the families who refused to let truth be buried, and the ancestors who understood that liberation required more than survival.

A walkie-talkie was handed to Walter Rodney to erase him.

But forty-six years later, his name is still connecting people to history, to courage, and to the responsibility of teaching what power once tried to hide.

I spend hours making sure these stories are researched and shared responsibly. If you’d like to support the work, you can do so here:
https://buymeacoffee.com/africanamericanhistory
Every coffee truly helps.

#blackhistory #AfricanAmericanHistory #BlackExellence]]> https://cricketwindies.com/thread-52058.html Sat, 20 Jun 2026 12:05:04 +0000 chairman]]> https://cricketwindies.com/thread-52058.html
Addressing the opening ceremony, the President said the modern facility would enhance access to banking services for residents and businesses while supporting the region’s continued growth.

“This new facility can only enhance the quality of service provided not only to the people of Bartica but also to the surrounding communities. It signals confidence in the future of this region and confidence in the future of Guyana,” he said.

The new branch marks a major milestone for Citizens Bank, which first established operations in Bartica on April 3, 2000, from a modest 938-square-foot office staffed by eight employees.]]>
Addressing the opening ceremony, the President said the modern facility would enhance access to banking services for residents and businesses while supporting the region’s continued growth.

“This new facility can only enhance the quality of service provided not only to the people of Bartica but also to the surrounding communities. It signals confidence in the future of this region and confidence in the future of Guyana,” he said.

The new branch marks a major milestone for Citizens Bank, which first established operations in Bartica on April 3, 2000, from a modest 938-square-foot office staffed by eight employees.]]> https://cricketwindies.com/thread-52057.html Mon, 15 Jun 2026 11:44:17 +0000 chairman]]> https://cricketwindies.com/thread-52057.html It was about our children seeing that dreams delayed are not dreams denied.

It was about resilience, patience, perseverance - and believing through decades of heartbreak that one day your moment will come.

In a city that moves fast and asks a lot of its people, this was a reminder that hard work, loyalty, and hope still matter.

For a brief moment, New Yorkers from every borough, every background and every generation came together - in living rooms and bars, on subway platforms, at work and on city streets - cheering for something bigger than themselves.

For me, it was sharing a onc in a generation moment with my son - a memory we’ll carry long after the final score is forgotten.

NY Knicks, thank you! ?? @nyknicks]]> It was about our children seeing that dreams delayed are not dreams denied.

It was about resilience, patience, perseverance - and believing through decades of heartbreak that one day your moment will come.

In a city that moves fast and asks a lot of its people, this was a reminder that hard work, loyalty, and hope still matter.

For a brief moment, New Yorkers from every borough, every background and every generation came together - in living rooms and bars, on subway platforms, at work and on city streets - cheering for something bigger than themselves.

For me, it was sharing a onc in a generation moment with my son - a memory we’ll carry long after the final score is forgotten.

NY Knicks, thank you! ?? @nyknicks]]> https://cricketwindies.com/thread-52055.html Sat, 06 Jun 2026 20:54:07 +0000 chairman]]> https://cricketwindies.com/thread-52055.html ________________________________
Adrienne Harris, Miss Guyana 1968, etched her name in pageant history with an outstanding performance at the 18th Miss World competition, held in London on November 14, 1968. Competing against 53 delegates from around the world, she advanced to the prestigious Top 7 and finished as the 6th Runner-Up, marking one of Guyana’s most notable achievements on the international stage.
*
Her remarkable placement was part of an extraordinary era for Guyana at Miss World, as the country enjoyed an impressive streak of consecutive high-ranking finishes during the late 1960s and early 1970s:
• 1967: Shakira Baksh – 2nd Runner-Up
• 1968: Adrienne Harris – 6th Runner-Up (Top 7 Finalist)
• 1969: Pamela Patricia Lord – 3rd Runner-Up
• 1970: Jennifer Diana Evan Wong – Top 10 Semifinalist
• 1971: Nalini Moonsar – 3rd Runner-Up
Adrienne Harris’s achievement reinforced Guyana’s growing reputation in international beauty pageants and remains a proud chapter in the nation’s pageant history.]]> ________________________________
Adrienne Harris, Miss Guyana 1968, etched her name in pageant history with an outstanding performance at the 18th Miss World competition, held in London on November 14, 1968. Competing against 53 delegates from around the world, she advanced to the prestigious Top 7 and finished as the 6th Runner-Up, marking one of Guyana’s most notable achievements on the international stage.
*
Her remarkable placement was part of an extraordinary era for Guyana at Miss World, as the country enjoyed an impressive streak of consecutive high-ranking finishes during the late 1960s and early 1970s:
• 1967: Shakira Baksh – 2nd Runner-Up
• 1968: Adrienne Harris – 6th Runner-Up (Top 7 Finalist)
• 1969: Pamela Patricia Lord – 3rd Runner-Up
• 1970: Jennifer Diana Evan Wong – Top 10 Semifinalist
• 1971: Nalini Moonsar – 3rd Runner-Up
Adrienne Harris’s achievement reinforced Guyana’s growing reputation in international beauty pageants and remains a proud chapter in the nation’s pageant history.]]> https://cricketwindies.com/thread-52054.html Wed, 03 Jun 2026 16:18:55 +0000 chairman]]> https://cricketwindies.com/thread-52054.html
However, he has stated that he has no plans to run for President again.

Mr. Norton led the PNC Reform to its worst electoral defeat last year under the APNU umbrealla, losing 19 seats in Parliament and every Regional Council.

During an appearance on the Buxtonian Morning Show on Tuesday, Mr. Norton said his aim now overlook a new brand of leadership within the ranks of the PNC/R.]]>
However, he has stated that he has no plans to run for President again.

Mr. Norton led the PNC Reform to its worst electoral defeat last year under the APNU umbrealla, losing 19 seats in Parliament and every Regional Council.

During an appearance on the Buxtonian Morning Show on Tuesday, Mr. Norton said his aim now overlook a new brand of leadership within the ranks of the PNC/R.]]> https://cricketwindies.com/thread-52053.html Fri, 22 May 2026 23:21:27 +0000 villagebelle]]> https://cricketwindies.com/thread-52053.html
had to create a new one.]]>
had to create a new one.]]> https://cricketwindies.com/thread-52052.html Fri, 22 May 2026 23:01:40 +0000 chairman]]> https://cricketwindies.com/thread-52052.html https://cricketwindies.com/thread-52050.html Fri, 22 May 2026 02:16:25 +0000 chairman]]> https://cricketwindies.com/thread-52050.html
Former PNC/R Chairman and former APNU parliamentarian Shurwayne Holder is once again drawing public attention after publicly reaffirming his support for the People’s Progressive Party/Civic (PPP/C), declaring that he is fully committed to the party.

In a social media post, Holder wrote: “I value loyalty. I don't do one foot in and one foot out. I'm all in right now.” He also used the hashtag #PeoplesProgressiveParty, signalling his continued public support for the governing party.

The post quickly generated a wave of reactions online, with some social media users welcoming his political stance while others questioned his decision and motives.

Some supporters praised Holder’s openness and commitment. One user, Ronetta Roopnauth, commented: “Great Comrade,” while another, Julianna Nyckia Jacobus, wrote: “Welcome over. Well Done.”

However, critics were equally vocal. George Griffith responded: “You promised that to APNU,” while Peter Graham remarked: “Loyal to soup.” Others questioned whether Holder’s political alignment was driven by principle or political opportunity.

Princess Chan, while wishing Holder well, cautioned him on the challenges of politics, writing: “As you grow to learn politics I hope your center goal is to master integrity… Guyana is watching!”

Another commenter, Honey Daniels Smartt, questioned Holder’s remarks directly, asking: “Did you say you value loyalty Shurwayne Holder?”

The reactions reflect growing public interest surrounding recent political crossovers and shifting allegiances, particularly as Guyana’s political climate continues to evolve.

Holder, who has publicly supported the PPP/C mandate in recent months, has maintained that his decision reflects where he believes the country’s development agenda is headed.

Source: Social Media Post by Shurwayne Holder and public comments.

— NewsGuyana24 | Real, Raw & Relevant
NG24 Guyana's Breaking News]]>
Former PNC/R Chairman and former APNU parliamentarian Shurwayne Holder is once again drawing public attention after publicly reaffirming his support for the People’s Progressive Party/Civic (PPP/C), declaring that he is fully committed to the party.

In a social media post, Holder wrote: “I value loyalty. I don't do one foot in and one foot out. I'm all in right now.” He also used the hashtag #PeoplesProgressiveParty, signalling his continued public support for the governing party.

The post quickly generated a wave of reactions online, with some social media users welcoming his political stance while others questioned his decision and motives.

Some supporters praised Holder’s openness and commitment. One user, Ronetta Roopnauth, commented: “Great Comrade,” while another, Julianna Nyckia Jacobus, wrote: “Welcome over. Well Done.”

However, critics were equally vocal. George Griffith responded: “You promised that to APNU,” while Peter Graham remarked: “Loyal to soup.” Others questioned whether Holder’s political alignment was driven by principle or political opportunity.

Princess Chan, while wishing Holder well, cautioned him on the challenges of politics, writing: “As you grow to learn politics I hope your center goal is to master integrity… Guyana is watching!”

Another commenter, Honey Daniels Smartt, questioned Holder’s remarks directly, asking: “Did you say you value loyalty Shurwayne Holder?”

The reactions reflect growing public interest surrounding recent political crossovers and shifting allegiances, particularly as Guyana’s political climate continues to evolve.

Holder, who has publicly supported the PPP/C mandate in recent months, has maintained that his decision reflects where he believes the country’s development agenda is headed.

Source: Social Media Post by Shurwayne Holder and public comments.

— NewsGuyana24 | Real, Raw & Relevant
NG24 Guyana's Breaking News]]>